Back to the calls to join the Israeli Municipal elections in Jerusalem 

• 9 حزيران 2018
• أقلام مقدسية

By: Walid Salem

The calls for the participation by the Palestinians in the Israeli Municipality upcoming elections of this year, are made today under the banner of democracy, and the right of the people to vote. In other hand the proponents of these calls claim that the life conditions of the Palestinians in the city will become much better if they participated in the municipal elections, some will go even further by proposing that such a participation will give an opportunity to represent the city as a city of two peoples and to shed lights on the disadvantageous position of the Palestinians in East Jerusalem. Finally these proponents say that the Palestinians in East Jerusalem lack any other alternative for the improvement of their conditions than joining the Israeli municipal elections.

Further to former articles that I published in Akhbar Elbalad about them, these  arguments deserve further thorough invistigation, since they sound as  having good music for the ears of the Western Audience who a big portion of them close their minds when the words “ elections”, and the right to vote” are mentioned. 

The discusion here will be theoretical, political, and practical as well, all these to be discussed briefly due to the limited space available for a column.

In the theoretical side of the issue, it should be noticed that democracy is different in the framework of the occupier occupied context( and in a settler colonial context) than it is in a state with its citizens. In the occupied- occupier framework democracy is most and foremost is about the right of self determination to the occupied party rather than about running and voting for the occupier institutions elections.

Michael Mann presented in his seminal book” The Dark side of Democracy”, the case of Democracy as a case of a government that represent its Demos( People), while in a settler colonial context democracy is for the Ethnos( Settlers democracy as he called it), on the expense of  another “ Ethnos”. Therefore in our case the full democratic structure in the relationship between the two peoples,  can be built  only when the dominance of the Zionist “ Ethnos” will be removed, and the Palestinians will become able by then to create their Demos Democratic relations with their elected government. 

This theoretical brief introduction  is valid enough to argue against any participation in the dominant “ Ethnos” elections being held either in the political or the administrative levels of governance as much as these levels promote the dominating Ethnos interests. The growing approach promoted these days in Israel political spectrum about the “ Demcracy that defends itself” by creating new laws that will not allow the other ethnos to take over is adding to the validity of the theoretical thesis of no participation in the “ enemy”  municipal and political structures and put efforts instead in building the structures of the State of Palestine relations with its people as steps towards independence and statehood. Only then the Palestine will be able to create joint democratic structures with the others in equal footing. 

Moving to the political level, it should be first said on the basis of the above point that getting rid of occupation comes first, then any joint democratic structure will be composed. Accordingly it was not coincidental that the joint / (shared and non shared as well) municipal strucutures for Jerusalem were dealt with in the PLO Israel Negotiations during the Oslo process period as those that will take place after the political agreement, and not any ones that will divert the process before those  political agreement, leading to the integration in Israel instead of accelerating the proceed towards independence and emancipation, regardless to the good intentions of some of the proponents. These ideas are like putting the carriage in front of the horse.

Secondly, the democratic issue in the case of the Jerusalem Municipality has another component that the proponents of the participation in the Israeli municipal elections in Jerusalem keep a silent about. This component is related to the fact of the illegitimate dissolution of the Palestinian Municipality of Jerusalem in 1967 by Israel. Being an illigitimate decision, this municipality ( Amanat Al Quds as it is called) did not recognize it, and continued to act in the Arab and international municipal federations on behalf of Jerusalem till today, including the creation of twinnings between East Jerusalem and 59 cities in the world so far. Opposite to the public opinion polls made lately by the Hebrew University and the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research ( PCPSR) with their wrong results that represented only a segment of the East Jerusalem Palestinians( See my previous articles on these results), it is today and in all times earlier the demand of the average Palestinians and the PLO and the Civil society networks in East Jerusalem  that Israel should retreat from this decision, allow for the return of thMunicipality that was dissolved in 1967, and further allow for municipal elections of it to be part of the Palestinian overall municipal elections for all West Bank and Gaza Local Councils. The question to those who keep silent about this issue, is why they will not consider such an original option to struggle non-violently and in a long term campaign for it assisting as such in making another step towards the Palestinian emancipation, and that to be instead of dragging the Palestinians of East Jerusalem to become part of the Israeli establishment regardless to the good intentions?.

Thirdly in the political level, the idea to join the Israeli municipal elections by itself has the following shortfalls which make it at the end very risky for the future Palestinian independence: In one aspect  it forgets the fact that it is the responsibility of the occupying force according to the international law to provide the occupied in East Jerusalem with services. In other aspect when the occupying authority fails to do so, it is the right of the occupied and their allies in Israel( If are there sincere any in regard to this matter) to struggle non violently and lobby for those services, to be conducted as well in a way that will not make any harm to the process towards independence and emancipation. 

This will be indeed more wise and more secure way to get these services than using the absence of these services as a justification to join the Israeli Municipality. For what such a risky option to be taken?. The third aspect is that this idea bear the risk of creating another seperate track from West Bank and Gaza Strip while we seek the unity of our people. 

Beyond that, the fourth aspect is related to the idea of using the municipal elections campaign to re- introduce the city as a joint one for two peoples.

Actually, Such a campaign can be done more effectively without necessirly joining the Israeli municipal elections if a plan will be prepared for such a campaign,  therefore this point cannot then be sufficient taken seperately to justify runnning in the Israeli municipal elections. Further than that the question is about what will follow the campaign?. In one hand the proponents of this idea might not win in a crucial number in the municipal elections, which will be a reason for sidelining and marginalizing them in the Municipal Council. In this case they will just achieve personal fame, but without making real change in the ground. More importantly the political decisions to expand settlements in East Jerusalem will be kept as it is in the hand of the Israeli Government and its Ministry of Jerusalem Affairs. Therefore the proponents of such idea will set in the Council as “ false witnesses” observing the settlement expansion in their territory, and will be also unable to prevent House demolitions. 

The issue then is that it is more safe to have a campaign to show that there are another people in the city by boycotting the Israeli municipal elections and run an effective campaign to show why this boycott is the right position.

In the practical level, what is needed then is a practical action of three dimensions: One of them to struggle for the return of the Palestinian dissolved Municipality and to become part of West Bank periodical elections( and this to be part of the struggle for the Palestinian independence), while at the same time boycotting the Israeli municipal elections. The High Islamic Commission already released a Fatwa in the 10th of May prohibiting the participation in those elections by any means.

 The second will be a long term and continuous non- violent campaign that combines the demands for services with the demands for independence in one backage

The third will be about the creation of a community based informal municipal structure in East Jerusalem. So far in regard to this point the re- appointment of the Palestinian Jerusalem Municipality In 1998, and once again in 2012 by the Presidents Arafat and Abbas, did not lead to more than the creation of symbolic bodies by then, but now the last decisions of the PLO Central Council ( 15/1/2018), and the PLO National Council( 30/4- 3/5/ 2018), are supposed to open a new path towards the creation of an active, Representative to all the communities,  and as much democratic as possible a Palestinian municipal strucuture in Jerusalem despite all the odds. The key here is the participation of all East Jerusalem communities in the new Palestinian Municipal structure for the city. This proposal is viable, realistic and possible, mainly if it will be combined with promoting the non violence struggle in the city. Those who believe in the disengagement between the two people should put their efforts in the support and the promotion of this alternative, rather than adding up to the Palestinian split between those who is in favor and those who is against in times when the Palestinians are in bad need for unity, and that is by proposing rotten ideas such the engagement in the Israel municipal elections. Such a proposal is becoming also more harmful and further rotten after the move of the American Embassy to Jerusalem in the last May. In such context these ideas will be understood as steps to integrate the Palestinian Jerusalemites in Israel and within its system, and this is done once again regardless of all the good intentions.